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Lori's Final Words

daemon@ATHENA.MIT.EDU (Aimee L Smith)
Wed Jun 20 15:35:58 2001

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Date: Wed, 20 Jun 2001 15:35:54 -0400
From: Aimee L Smith <alsmith@MIT.EDU>

sorry about my last mail, I am a day behind!

Below is the final statement given by Lori Berenson
in her Civilian Trial.

http://www.freelori.org/
Verdict expected to come today.  

Regards,
		Aimee

------- Forwarded Message



Final Statement of Lori Berenson, June 20, 2001


I am innocent of all charges against me.  Neither of
my trials, in the civilian or military court, has
proven me guilty of any crime.  The charges against me
are still based upon the hearsay of a fellow detainee
who is trying to be freed at my expense.

Since the very day of my arrest I have been called a
terrorist, a term that has been used and abused in
Peruvian society for far too many years, mostly
because of the psychological impact of a concept that
brings to mind indiscriminant violence designed to
terrorize; irrational destructive violence; deadly,
senseless terror.  I am not a terrorist; I condemn
terrorism; I always have.

I feel very sad for all direct and indirect victims of
violence.  The damage to a society goes beyond the
physical and psychological impact of violence on its
victims and their families.  It leaves deep wounds,
painful wounds, and it is very sad to watch a people
endure it.  Political violence harms a society because
it is interconnected with the institutionalized
violence criticized by important church authorities in
the second half of the twentieth century.  El
Salvador=92s martyred Archbishop Oscar Romero gave his
life in 1980  because of his criticism of what he
called institutionalized violence, as did Bishop Juan
Gerardi martyred in Guatemala.  Hundreds, perhaps
thousands of clergy and lay workers were assassinated
for defending the poor and speaking the truth against
social injustice and the institutionalized violence of
hunger and poverty that is the horrendous daily peril
of millions.

When on March 20 I said my case has been used as a
smoke screen, that it is a political trial, it is
because of the particular elements regarding my case
and also, in general, the cases of all those detained
and tried in the context of political violence.  There
is a very simple reason:  the existence of insurgent
or rebel movements in Latin America =AD and many other
places in the world =AD has a lot to do with social and
economic conditions.  The government responds through
state policy, albeit solely militarily or with other
components, to draw attention from these conditions.

Thousands of Peruvians have suffered persecution,
detention, torture, death as part of a state policy
violating the human and fundamental rights of its
population.  After ex-President Fujimori=92s self-coup
in 1992, constitutional law was violated by executive
decrees made during a state of emergency.  The
congress and universities were closed, all forms of
social organization and opposition were prohibited.
The unconstitutional legislation included the
antiterrorist laws that destroyed due process in
civilian and military courts.  But today in Peru and
throughout the world it is common knowledge that the
Peruvian state did more than violate human rights by
closing democratic institutions and stomping on labor
and social rights and leaving its people hungry.  It
is now common knowledge that behind the
unconstitutional legislation and the manipulation of
public opinion around certain issues like political
violence was an extremely corrupt government that
profited from the blood and sweat of its citizens,
condemning them to live in hunger and misery.  The
dictatorship manipulated the judiciary to ensure the
cover up of human rights violations and corruption.
It wasn=92t an issue of particular judicial authorities,
but the system itself and the legislation.  In the
cases of those tried for =93terrorism=94 or treason, they
were often condemned on the basis of hearsay and
fabricated evidence.  People were sentenced for
refusing to admit guilt =AD regardless of whether or not
they were guilty.  They were condemned for not
fingering others and for rejecting the psychological
and social stigma of being called a =93terrorist.=94
Hearsay, supposed intentions, finger pointing or lack
thereof, personal and political opinions =AD none of
these constitute proof of any crimes.

I am aware that much of the Peruvian public has a very
negative image of me, which in part is because of the
anger I expressed, how aggressive I came across, when
I was illegally presented to the press in January
1996.  And I am aware how that image and those
statements were manipulated to create a monster larger
than life, so that later I personified twenty years of
insurgent and state violence.  This was part of the
propaganda designed to make people forget how
government policy and corruption impoverished the
Peruvian people.

As I have stated in this trial, I regret having come
across as such an angry or aggressive person,
especially if it confused or offended the Peruvian
people whom I really respect and love.  The anger I
showed was the result of my indignation upon seeing
not only the violation of human rights and fundamental
rights of the Peruvian people, but also the suffering
I witnessed in DINCOTE and the farce of a trial I was
undergoing. The mistreatment and outright torture of
my fellow detainees form only a short chapter of the
history of torture in DINCOTE or army bases that was a
state policy.  Even so, I think it was wrong of me to
have expressed myself in that way, so angry.  I should
have said the same or similar things, but in a calmer
way.  However, I believe I was punished more for what
I said.   Not only was I given a life sentence, but
also for over five years my name and image were used
as a symbol of so-called =93terrorism.=94  The punishment
was for not cowering to the system of injustice and
for expressing my beliefs.

I am innocent of the charges against me.  Even with
the limitations of ex-President Fujimori=92s
antiterrorism legislation that will sentence me today,
this court has not proven the contrary.

Yes, I jointly rented a house with another person, but
I did not do so with the idea or intent of doing so
for the MRTA and there is no evidence to the contrary.

Yes, I did rent an apartment later that year, once the
house had been sublet.  I rented it and lived in it as
witnesses from the apartment building have confirmed.
I did not rent it to hide anyone or for any reason
related to the MRTA, and there is no evidence to the
contrary.

Yes, I did know on a social, human basis, several
people who wound up being part of, or somehow related
to the MRTA.  I knew them with other identities and I
had absolutely no reason to doubt the truth of who
they said they were.  They did not act in any way to
make me think otherwise.  Perhaps there is a cultural
difference here, but it goes against my upbringing to
snoop around in someone else=92s belongings or covertly
visit their rooms, to interrogate them or pry into
their private lives.  I had already lived in several
communal environments, both in the United States and
abroad, and there is an issue of mutual respect,
respect for other=92s space and privacy.  One must mind
one=92s own business.  For these reasons, after
subletting, I never went to the fourth level of the
house nor did I go into any other room that was
sublet.  I never cooked for the MRTA nor brought food
upstairs.  I never led nor participated in
indoctrination courses =AD not with or without a hood.
No one has testified to the contrary.  In fact the
young people who had lived there all said =AD as do I =AD
that they first saw me in DINCOTE or in prison.

Among my personal belongings the police found my
computer, beeper, and the cell phone I rented.   I
used these things for work and recreational purposes.
Unfortunately the books, the tapes, and my writings
=93strangely=94 disappeared.  They would have provided
concrete evidence of studies I was conducting and the
articles I was writing.  I did not obtain any
=93communications equipment,=94 beepers, or computers for
the MRTA and there is no evidence to the contrary.

I did not come to Peru to cause any harm.  I was and
am interested in Peru=92s history and Peru=92s future.
The reason I wanted to write articles about Peru was
precisely because I thought it was very important that
people in the United States and elsewhere know more
about Peru.  Peru=92s cultural richness should be more
greatly appreciated by all.  I believe that cultural
history should be considered useful in the present and
looking toward the future.  I was seriously writing
those articles.  The editors of the magazines have
confirmed it. My notes, my interviews with various
people prove it.  I knew nothing about any supposed
plan the MRTA may have had to seize the congress.  To
this day I know nothing about such a plan or even if
it existed and if it existed, I certainly had nothing
to do with it.

After hearing Miguel Rincon=92s testimony in this
courtroom and the reading of Pacifico
Castrell&oacute;n=92s statements at different phases of
this process, I am absolutely certain that
Castrell&oacute;n has told lies to save his own skin,
not simply to hide any real participation he may have
had in all of this, but especially to seek his own
release by condemning others.  His statements were the
only basis of my sentence in the military court and
were the basis of the prosecutor=92s accusations here.
It is very common to shift responsibilities to others
when trying to secure your release.  Castrell&oacute;n
admitted to knowing many people who he described in
detail and pointed a finger at.  I don=92t know if he
really knew these people or if they even existed
because the only evidence of their existence is in
Castrell&oacute;n=92s statement.  But certainly I have
never, ever met any of the people he claims he met
through me.  Such claims are absolutely false.  Some
of the contradictions between Castrell&oacute;n=92s
statements and those of the other detainees support
what Miguel Rincon said about Castrell&oacute;n in
this courtroom.  When Castrell&oacute;n was asked why
Rincon called him an international collaborator,
Castrell&oacute;n said =93Oh, that=92s part of their
jargon, the same way he would have considered me to be
a traitor.=94  The concept of betrayal denoted having
belonged to or shared something with a group of people
or cause.

I am innocent of the prosecutor=92s charges of being a
member of and a collaborator with the MRTA.  In fact,
by definition one cannot be both a member and a
collaborator.  I am neither and there is no evidence
to the contrary.

I did not come to Peru to cause harm or damage to
anyone or anything.  I have always been deeply
concerned with issues of poverty and social justice,
and if I was interested in Peru=92 history and its
people, it was with my best intentions.  When I spoke
about poverty five years ago during my press
presentation, it was because the human suffering
caused by social injustice is unfair, inhumane, and
downright immoral.  Poverty in Peru has gotten worse
since my detention.  Now people talk about more
sectors of poor and higher percentages of extreme
poverty.  And no one can deny this.  Not only that,
politicians, the church -- everyone speaks of it.  I
have been very open and honest about this because it
has been part of my way of life for many years -- I
believe that when things are wrong, one should say
they are wrong.  One should speak out when faced with
injustice.  I am grateful I was raised that way, as I
am also grateful that my family continues to support
and promote those social and moral values, for all
people.  I am grateful for the help of my family and
friends and especially for the presence of my parents
in this courtroom throughout this trial.

I haven=92t hidden my opinions or my beliefs.  I have
been honest and transparent when expressing who I am
and what I think.  It has been a tremendous honor for
me to be involved in social issues for many years.  It
has also been a great honor for me to work in a
country like El Salvador, work with refugees, with
students, and, particularly, on the peace process.  I
have nothing to be ashamed of.  If I describe my work
in El Salvador or say I like the music of Victor Jara
who was cruelly assassinated by a dictatorship because
of his beliefs, that does not make me guilty of a
crime.  On the contrary, I think that it makes it
clearer who I am and what I believe.  I have nothing
but love for the Latin American and Peruvian people.
I=92ve been in jail many years now, but I still have
great hopes and I=92m still convinced that there will be
a future of justice for the people of Peru and all
humanity.

Lori Berenson

June 20, 2001




------- End of Forwarded Message




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