[1291] in peace2
forw
daemon@ATHENA.MIT.EDU (Rodney Jonace)
Thu Dec 6 16:02:14 2001
Message-Id: <200112062102.QAA23853@eng-read-room.mit.edu>
To: peace-list@MIT.EDU
Date: Thu, 06 Dec 2001 16:02:06 -0500
From: Rodney Jonace <bigrod@MIT.EDU>
------- Forwarded Message
The Failure of U.S. Foreign Policies
By Manning Marable
The bombing campaign against the people of Afghanistan will be described in
history as the "U.S. Against the Third World." The launching of military
strikes against peasants does nothing to suppress terrorism, and only erodes
American credibility in Muslim nations around the world. The question, "Why
Do They Hate Us?," can only be answered from the vantagepoint of the Third
World's widespread poverty, hunger and economic exploitation.
The United States government cannot engage in effective multilateral actions
to suppress terrorism, because its behavior illustrates its complete contempt
for international cooperation. The United States owed $582 million in back
dues to the United Nations, and it paid up only when the September 11 attacks
jeopardized its national security.
Republican conservatives demand that the United States should be exempt from
the jurisdiction of an International Criminal Court, a permanent tribunal now
being established at The Hague, Netherlands. For the 2001 World Conference
Against Racism, the U.S. government authorized the allocation of a paltry
$250,000, compared to over $10 million provided to conference organizers by
the Ford Foundation.
For three decades, the U.S. refused to ratify the 1965 United Nations
Convention on the Elimination of Racism. Is it any wonder that much of the
Third World questions our motives? The carpet-bombing of the Taliban seems to
Third World observers to have less to do with the suppression of terrorism,
and more with securing future petroleum production rights in central Asia.
The U.S. media and opinion makers repeatedly have gone out of their way to
twist facts and to distort the political realities of the Middle East, by
insisting that the Osama bin Laden group's murderous assaults had nothing to
do with Israel's policies towards the Palestinians.
Nobody else in the world, with the possible exception of the Israelis, really
believes that. Even Britain, Bush's staunchest ally, links Israel's
intransigence towards negotiations and human rights violations as having
contributed to the environment for Arab terrorist retaliation.
In late September, during his visit to Jerusalem, British Foreign Secretary
Jack Straw stated that frustration over the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
might create an excuse for terrorism. Straw explained: "there is never any
excuse for terrorism. At the same time, there is an obvious need to
understand the environment in which terrorism breeds."
Millions of moderate and progressive Muslims who sincerely denounce terrorism
are nevertheless frustrated by the United States's extensive clientage
relationship with Israel, financed by more than $3 billion in annual
subsidies. They want to know why the U.S. allowed the Israelis to move over
200,000 Jewish settlers -- one half of them after the signing of the 1993
peace agreement -- to relocate in occupied Palestine.
It is no exaggeration in saying that for most of the world's one billion
Muslims that Israel is as anathema to them, as the apartheid regime of South
Africa was for black people.
How does terrorist Osama bin Laden gain loyal followers from northern Nigeria
to Indonesia? Perhaps it has something to do with America's massive presence
-- in fact, its military-industrial occupation -- of Saudi Arabia.
The Washington Post recently revealed that in the past two decades, U.S.
construction companies and arms suppliers have made over $50 billion in Saudi
Arabia. Today, over thirty thousand U.S. citizens are employed by Saudi
corporations, or by joint Saudi-U.S. corporate partnerships.
Just months ago, Exxon Mobil, the world's largest corporation, reached an
agreement with the Saudi government to develop gas projects worth between $20
to $26 billion. Can Americans who are not Muslims truly comprehend how
morally offensive this overwhelming U.S. occupying presence in their holy
land is to them?
Even before September 11, the U.S. regularly stationed five to six thousand
troops in Saudi Arabia. Today, that number probably exceeds 15,000 American
troops. How would the U.S. government react if the P.L.O.'s close ally, Cuba,
offered to send 15,000 troops to support the Palestinian Authority's security
force?
There is, to repeat, no justification for terrorism by anyone, anytime. But
it is U.S. policies -- such as the blanket support for Israel, and the
blockade against Iraq that has been responsible for the needless deaths of
thousands of children -- that help to create the very conditions for
extremist violence to flourish.
There is a direct linkage between the terrible events of September 11 and the
politics represented by the United Nations World Conference Against Racism
held in Durban, South Africa, only days prior to the terrorist attacks.
The U.S. government in Durban opposed the definition of slavery as "a crime
against humanity." It refused to acknowledge the historic and contemporary
effects of colonialism, racial segregation and apartheid on the
underdevelopment and oppression of the non-European world.
It polemically manipulated the charge of anti-Semitism to evade discussions
concerning the right of self-determination for the Palestinian people. The
world's subaltern masses represented at Durban sought to advance a new global
discussion about the political economy of racism -- and the United States
insulted the entire international community.
Should we therefore be surprised that Palestinian children celebrate in the
streets of their occupied territories when they see televised images of our
largest buildings being destroyed? Should we be shocked that hundreds of
protest marches in opposition to the U.S. bombing of Afghanistan are being
held throughout the world?
The majority of dark humanity is saying to the United States that racism and
militarism are not the solutions to the world's major problems. Transnational
capitalism and the repressive neoliberal policies of structural adjustment
represent a dead end for the developing world.
We can only end the threat of terrorism by addressing constructively the
routine violence of poverty, hunger and exploitation which characterizes the
daily existence of several billion people on this planet. Racism is, in the
final analysis only another form of violence.
To stop the violence of terrorism, we must stop the violence of racism and
class inequality. To struggle for peace, to find new paths toward
reconciliation across the boundaries of religion, culture and color, is the
only way to protect our cities, our country and ourselves from the violence
of terrorism. Because without justice, there can be no peace.
----
Dr. Manning Marable is Professor of History and Political Science, and the
Director of the Institute for Research in African-American Studies at
Columbia University in New York. "Along the Color Line" is distributed free
of charge to over 350 publications throughout the U.S. and internationally.
Dr. Marable's column is also available on the Internet at
www.manningmarable.net .
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