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IP: Police armies of occupation

daemon@ATHENA.MIT.EDU (Robert Hettinga)
Wed Sep 29 08:33:04 1999

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Date: Tue, 28 Sep 1999 21:50:59 -0500
To: Ignition-Point <ignition-point@precision-d.com>
From: Jan <Igniting@ticnet.com>
Subject: IP: Police armies of occupation
Cc: Point Of View <pov@usaradio.com>
Sender: owner-ignition-point@precision-d.com
Reply-To: Jan <Igniting@ticnet.com>

Police armies of occupation

       Tue, Sep 28, 1999
 
http://civilliberty.about.com/library/weekly/aa092799.htm

On August 9, in the downright shitty Los Angeles neighborhood of 
Compton, 64-year-old Mario Paz had all his fears of crime turned on 
their head. That night, the El Monte Police Department's Special 
Emergency Response Team, warrant in hand, shot the locks off Paz's 
doors, stormed into his home, and killed him in bed as he lay next to 
his wife. The Paz incident found an interesting counterpoint a month 
later when LAPD officers from the Rampart Division admitted to 
shooting helpless prisoners and planting evidence — 11 cops, so far, 
have been suspended. One police officer from the unit had already 
been sentenced to 14 years in prison for robbing a bank. 
Understandably enough, this sparked an uproar and an investigation 
that is expected to reveal only more of the same.

It'd be nice to think of the Los Angeles-area incidents as more 
West-Coast wackiness, though a tad more pernicious than chardonnay 
and feng shui. But these incidents occur against a backdrop of 
revelations about the FBI barbecue and turkey shoot at Waco, and the 
Amadou Diallo and Abner Louima incidents in the NYPD's continuing war 
of attrition against Rotten Apple taxpayers. It's becoming 
increasingly clear that sometime during the early 1980s, instead of 
expected shipments of course material, police academies across the 
United States received an accidental consignment of texts intended 
for the Heinrich Himmler Charm School. The result has been what 
Amnesty International refers to in its recently released report, 
Race, Rights, and Police Brutality, as "patterns of ill-treatment 
across the USA, including police beatings, unjustified shootings and 
the use of dangerous restraint techniques to subdue suspects."

Well, if only the matter was as simple as the wrong shipment of 
textbooks. That'd be pretty easy to fix — a nice note to the trucking 
company would resolve the issue. Instead, the spread of 
not-just-acknowledged excesses, but routine, by-the-book overkill in 
American policing is a result of the conscious adoption of new 
tactics and philosophy.

The Cato Institute's Diane Cecelia Weber summed up her concerns in 
Warrior Cops: The Ominous Growth of Paramilitarism in American Police 
Departments, saying, "[o]ver the past 20 years Congress has 
encouraged the U.S. military to supply intelligence, equipment, and 
training to civilian police. That encouragement has spawned a culture 
of para-militarism in American law enforcement." She points to the 
adoption of automatic weapons, body armor, and army-of occupation 
tactics where once police considered themselves part of the community 
and patrolled in short sleeves.

Taken together, the Amnesty and Cato reports identify two different, 
but complementary problems. Amnesty's Race, Rights, and Police 
Brutality focuses on LAPD-style situations. These are incidents — 
all-too-common — of rank illegality among the police officers and 
false testimony to cover fellow cops' abuses. The results are the 
shooting and framing of a 19-year-old by Los Angeles Police Officer 
Rafael Perez, or the arrest and torture in a police station bathroom 
of Abner Louima by New York City cops. Investigations of such 
incidents have to overcome codes of silence that must send a chill of 
nostalgia through whatever's left of the old Sicilian mob.

Cato's Warrior Cops, on the other hand, looks at deliberate choices 
that law enforcers have made about their attitudes toward civilians 
and suspected law-breakers, and the tactics and tools that they use. 
These choices lead directly to Mario Paz, who died when police blew 
his doors off their hinges, tossed in grenades, and blazed away at 
anything that moved -- all according to the current rule book. The 
same choices also led to Amadou Diallo's death in a hail of gunfire 
when the unnarmed man was accosted in a doorway by members of New 
York's "elite" Street Crimes Unit, who pride themselves on tough 
tactics. And, of course, these choices led to a massive raid by 
scores of submachine gun armed BATF agents on a religious settlement 
in Waco, Texas, to serve a warrant for alleged firearms tax 
violations.

The two types of incidents — overtly illegal and institutional — are 
different, but inseparable. Police abuses have existed, of course, 
ever since somebody gave the toughest guy in the neighborhood a club 
and told him to go thump anybody who acted up. Abuses are relative to 
what's allowed. When police departments deliberately set out to 
emulate the Waffen SS and treat suspected evil-doers as if they were 
subject peoples defying an army of occupation, would-be thugs have 
that much more official sanction for their innate sadism.

Hell, if shooting your way into private homes in the middle of the 
night is part of the job, where does the job end and pure abuse 
begin? And whether it's a matter of official tactics or freelance 
brutality, the people who suffer the most are the ones with the least 
recourse for remedy; that means that racial and religious minorities 
and the poor bear the brunt.

Amnesty suggests a comprehensive list of approaches for dealing with 
police brutality, starting with, "[s]tate, federal and local 
authorities should ensure that abuses including torture, brutality 
and other excessive force by police officers will not be tolerated; 
that officers will be held accountable for their actions; and that 
those responsible for abuses will be brought to justice," and 
concluding with "[s]tate, local and federal authorities should 
establish effective, independent oversight bodies for their 
respective police agencies, with powers to investigate and review 
complaints against the police as well as broader policy issues and 
patterns of concern, and to issue detailed public reports." Most, but 
not all, of the fifteen recommendations treat police brutality as 
unsanctioned conduct that can and should be reined in to existing 
standards.

Cato takes tha matter a step further, suggesting that the existing 
limits themselves be reined in:

Congress should recognize that federal policies have contributed to 
the culture of paramilitarism that currently per-vades many local 
police departments. Federal lawmakers should discourage 
paramilitarism by restoring the traditional American principle of 
civil-military separation embodied in the Posse Comitatus Act. The 
Military Cooperation with Law Enforcement Officials Act created a 
dangerous loophole in the Posse Comitatus Act. That loophole should 
be closed immediately. Congress should also abolish all 
military-civilian law enforcement joint task forces and see to it 
that all military hardware loaned, given, or sold to law enforcement 
agencies is destroyed or returned. Armored personnel carriers and 
machine guns, should not be a part of everyday law enforcement in a 
free society.
Since the problems that Amnesty and Cato have identified go hand in 
hand, it makes sense that so do the solutions. Once official police 
tactics and conduct have been returned to the matter of actual 
policing and not to training troops for the next brushfire war, the 
police ranks can be monitored for overstepping and criminality. 
Oversight boards and human rights investigations might have a prayer 
of working once they can hold the boys in blue to something that 
resembles legitimate civilian police work.

Law enforcement in the United States has become frightening. That 
people are dying at the hands of rogue cops is bad enough. That 
innocent people are being gunned down by cops who are going by the 
rule book suggests that change is due now. Otherwise, if the cops 
continue to play at being an army of occupation, they should expect 
the subjects to play their role in return. Vive la resistance.

So you think I’m full of it, eh? Then go to the source:

Race, Rights, and Police Brutality — Amnesty International

Warrior Cops: The Ominous Growth of Paramilitarism in American Police 
Departments — Cato Institute

Police corruption roils Los Angeles — Detroit Free Press

FBI Probes Fatal Drug Raid in California — Washington Post

Critics call for inquiry of aircraft role in Davidian raid — Forth 
Worth Star-Telegram

New York’s not-so finest — Civil Liberties

Giuliani Time — Civil Liberties

Why the police are hard to police — Christian Science Monitor

-0-0-0-0-0-0-0-0-0-0-0-0-0-0-0-0

	From the Notebook:
	Support Your Local Sheriff

Rural sheriffs can have an undeservedly bad reputation. Often, they 
have strong roots in the community and no special interest in busting 
more long-time neighbors' heads than necessary. They can act as a 
discretionary buffer between folks just enjoying life, and 
politicians with a passel of silly new laws to be enforced. And then 
there's Lee County, Florida, Sheriff John McDougall, and his 
Web-based list of folks he just doesn't like.

On his official, taxpayer-supported Web site, Sheriff McDougall has 
posted an open letter denouncing (among other people), "The Gay and 
Lesbian coalitions, rabid feminist groups, United Nations one-world 
government radicals, and the American Civil Liberties Union."

Now, the (certainly) upstanding fellow is entitled to his opinions, 
but his enthusiasm in using public resources to express himself might 
just bring pause to any feminist, lesbian, ACLU members who might 
have need of the forces of the law in Lee County. After all, if those 
are the sheriff's public views, what's the fellow like in gulp 
private?

Still, though, we can be sure that UN one-worlder house-breakers and 
car thieves are getting no special breaks in McDougall's bailiwick.


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-----------------
Robert A. Hettinga <mailto: rah@ibuc.com>
The Internet Bearer Underwriting Corporation <http://www.ibuc.com/>
44 Farquhar Street, Boston, MA 02131 USA
"... however it may deserve respect for its usefulness and antiquity,
[predicting the end of the world] has not been found agreeable to
experience." -- Edward Gibbon, 'Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire'


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