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Geodesic Nationality

daemon@ATHENA.MIT.EDU (Robert Hettinga)
Sun Sep 26 18:40:43 1999

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From: believer@telepath.com
Date: Thu, 23 Sep 1999 08:28:43 -0500
To: ignition-point@precision-d.com
Subject: IP: Annan: Crossing the mini-state frontier
Sender: owner-ignition-point@precision-d.com
Reply-To: believer@telepath.com
Status: U

Source:  Washington Times
http://www.WashTimes.com/opinion/op1.html

Crossing the mini-state frontier

  By Arnold Beichman

As the 20th century might be called the Century of
Totalitarianism with a barbed wire fence as its symbol so
  the 21st century will probably be known as the Century of the
  Mini-State, its emblem a mass grave-pit surrounded by
  onlookers in breathing masks.

  . . . . For Kosovo and East Timor are only the initial battles of
  subnational secessionist movements which, because they give a
  damn, will involve the United States and other Western
  democracies in singular or U.N. occupation exercises,
  international peace-keeping and relief programs if not actual
  warfare.

  . . . . U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan has ensured the rise
  of the mini-state with his revolutionary declaration Sept. 20
  before the U.N. General Assembly that national borders are no
  longer inviolate when humanitarian concerns arise. As a
  headline in the British Independent summarized this position --
  "Annan: U.N. intervention 'everywhere or nowhere.' " The
  Annan challenge to national sovereignty could mean an end to
  the international system as we have known it for two centuries.

  . . . . Mini-states are blossoming everywhere as never before.
  There were 51 signatories to the United Nations Charter in
  1945. Today there are almost 190 U.N. members and that
  doesn't include countries like Taiwan that are not U.N.
  members at all. And more nations, some as breakaways from
  existing states, are being born, regardless of area, economy or
  size of population.

  . . . . What the coming century will witness to a greater degree
  than ever before is a challenge to national sovereignty
  occasioned by the rise and expansion of powerful
  subnationalisms. It is a different kind of patriotism. Its
  adherents will in some cases be prepared to forgo diplomatic
  negotiations in favor of violence, terrorism, abductions,
  assassinations, blackmail. Not only is subnationalism rife -- the
  Czechoslovakia split, most recently and the separation of
  Eritrea from Ethiopia -- but we have a post-U.S.S.R.
  subnationalism phenomenon -- as witness the battles between
  Georgia and a rebellious Abkhazia. Within the Russian
  Republic itself, we have claimants for sovereignty from
  Chechnya, Dagestan, Tatariya and Vologda and if you haven't
  heard of some of these names, you will when they come
  knocking on the door of the U.N. Security Council. And recall
  the war by a failed secessionist Biafra against Nigeria, which
  took a million lives by 1970 or the ongoing 12-year war in Sri
  Lanka between the Tamils, onetime migrants from India, and
  the ruling Singhalese. India itself has its own secessionist
  problems: the question of Kashmir and the Sikh demand of
  India for an independent Khalistan. Indira Gandhi was
  assassinated by Sikh bodyguards, her son was assassinated by
  Tamil nationalists.

  . . . . Soon we'll be hearing the names of subnational groupings
  never heard before -- Assyria, Bashkortostan, Bougainville,
  Buryatia, Cabinda, Eastern Turkestan, Karenni, Kumyk, Mon,
  Nagaland, Ogoni, Scania, West Papua, Zanzibar. These are
  some of the 35 members of the "Unrepresented Nations and
  Peoples Organizations" (UNPO), headquartered in the
  Netherlands. Spokesmen for UNPO members say the people
  they represent want out from a new kind of colonial masters, a
  new kind in the sense that the colonial masters are not
  European but rather local governments, once colonies of
  Western powers.

  . . . . Indonesia is the latest example of a challenge to its
  sovereignty, a challenge that could mean, after existing for
  half-a-century, the dissolution of the island archipelago as we
  know it. East Timor, its population largely Roman Catholic,
  was grabbed up by Indonesia when Portugal gave up that
  colony and it has been hell for the Timorese ever since. And
  over in a Sumatra enclave called Acheh, a bloody rebellion
  against the central government has been under way for three
  decades with thousands of Achenese killed, tortured or exiled.
  Even in the Moluccas, there is an irredentist movement.

  . . . . What kind of policy are the Western democracies to
  adopt in the face of these rebellions? Ignore national
  sovereignty even though colonial governments in their scramble
  out of Africa created artificial states, like Nigeria, the Congo
  and Indonesia, states with subnations which will not or cannot
  live together as in Rwanda and Burundi? Should the U.N.
  Security Council, in the name of humanitarianism, support
  rebellious peoples of a future mini-state against the wishes of
  the central government? Has every subnationalism a right to a
  state regardless say of economic viability? Does Tibet? Should
  distinctions be made between secessionist movements in
  democratic countries -- Quebecois in Canada, Basques in
  Spain or Corsicans in France -- and secessionist movements in
  undemocratic countries like China, Burma or Sudan?

  . . . . Take a specific case we have heard little about. Some
  Okinawans want for various reasons to become independent of
  Japan. That's not our problem but supposing a violent rebellion
  ensues and we see in Okinawa the likes of an East Timor
  humanitarian tragedy developing -- what then? If the United
  Nations and NATO moved into the Kosovo crisis ignoring
  sovereignty claims by Belgrade and as it is now moving into
  East Timor, are these operations then precedents for future
  international action? We watched the war of Moscow against
  Chechen rebels as we watch now the war of Moscow against
  Dagestani rebels. Does U.N. action in East Timor or NATO
  action in Kosovo legitimate active concern over bloodshed in
  the Northern Caucasus while Moscow apartment blocks go up
  in terrorist flames? Is Osama bin Laden a legitimate participant
  in the recasting of Russian boundaries?

  . . . . And whatever scenarios we can create, there is one crisis
  that is not a scenario -- the future of Taiwan. Even without a
  plebiscite Taiwan is quite clearly a legitimate nation-state,
  regardless of Communist China's claims of sovereignty over
  Taiwan. Are we faced with a crisis for which there is no
  solution?

  . . . . Redefinitions of sovereignty, legitimacy, nationalism,
  secessionism, civil war are in order. These were redefined
  during the "winds of change" era in Africa, where a colonized
  continent became a continent of independent states, in most
  cases peacefully, in some cases, like Algeria or Kenya,
  belligerently. In other words new concepts of international law
  are essential before a global anarchy takes over.

  . . . . Alan Bullock, the British historian, once described
  nationalism as "a mass emotion [which] has been the most
  powerful political force in the history of the modern world."
  Today, it's not nationalism; it's subnationalism.

  Arnold Beichman, a Hoover Institution Research Fellow,
  is a columnist for The Washington Times.

  Copyright © 1999 News World Communications, Inc.


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-----------------
Robert A. Hettinga <mailto: rah@ibuc.com>
The Internet Bearer Underwriting Corporation <http://www.ibuc.com/>
44 Farquhar Street, Boston, MA 02131 USA
"... however it may deserve respect for its usefulness and antiquity,
[predicting the end of the world] has not been found agreeable to
experience." -- Edward Gibbon, 'Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire'


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