[47076] in linux-announce channel archive
Herpes Virus Hiding Place Revealed! (Nobody Believed This!)
daemon@ATHENA.MIT.EDU (Anti oxidant)
Fri Dec 6 08:11:44 2024
Date: Fri, 6 Dec 2024 14:11:33 +0100
From: "Anti oxidant" <Herpesvirus@seftifix.sa.com>
Reply-To: "Anti oxidant" <Herpesvirus@seftifix.sa.com>
To: <linuxch-announce.discuss@charon.mit.edu>
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Herpes Virus Hiding Place Revealed! (Nobody Believed This!)
http://seftifix.sa.com/IlhYyCJQmWR7uUxy_Wtpxfxj75QWS1kZGlKjDlSWn-e1Wed06A
http://seftifix.sa.com/kDN9FO3n0r2BElNY22SYJstF5hAm_yuiWxb-dQqjFD27uH90sg
ism, housewives who lack such resources are more drawn to antifeminism. Himmelstein says both views are at least partially wrong, arguing that the primary dividing line between feminists and antifeminists is cultural, rather than stemming from differences in economic and social status.
There are similarities between income between activists on both sides of the ERA debate. The most indicative factors when predicting ERA position, especially among women, were race, marital status, age, and education. ERA opposition was much higher among white, married, older, and less educated citizens. Women who opposed the ERA tended to fit characteristics consistent with the Religious Right.
In 1983, Val Burris said that high-income men opposed the amendment, because they would gain the least with it being passed; that those men had the most to lose, since the ratification of the ERA would mean more competition for their jobs and possibly a lowered self-esteem. Because of the support of antifeminism from conservatives and the constant "conservative reactions to liberal social politics", such as the New Deal attacks, the attack on the ERA has been called a "right-wing backlash". In a 2012 study, their methods include actions such as "insults proffered in emails or on the telephone, systematic denigration of feminism in the media, Internet disclosure of confidential information (e.g. addresses) on resources for battered wom
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<div style="color:#fefefe; font-size:8px">ism, housewives who lack such resources are more drawn to antifeminism. Himmelstein says both views are at least partially wrong, arguing that the primary dividing line between feminists and antifeminists is cultural, rather than stemming from differences in economic and social status. There are similarities between income between activists on both sides of the ERA debate. The most indicative factors when predicting ERA position, especially among women, were race, marital status, age, and education. ERA opposition was much higher among white, married, older, and less educated citizens. Women who opposed the ERA tended to fit characteristics consistent with the Religious Right. In 1983, Val Burris said that high-income men opposed the amendment, because they would gain the least with it being passed; that those men had the most to lose, since the ratification of the ERA would mean more competition for their jobs and possibly a lowered self-esteem. Because of the support of antifeminism from conservatives and the constant "conservative reactions to liberal social politics", such as the New Deal attacks, the attack on the ERA has been called a "right-wing backlash". In a 2012 study, their methods include actions such as "insults proffered in emails or on the telephone, systematic denigration of feminism in the media, Internet disclosure of confidential information (e.g. addresses) on resources for battered wom</div>
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