[108052] in Cypherpunks
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daemon@ATHENA.MIT.EDU (Soren)
Tue Feb 2 18:12:09 1999
Date: Tue, 02 Feb 1999 18:44:47 -0400
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To: cyphers <cypherpunks@cyberpass.net>
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<P><font face=3D"helvetica,arial" size=3D"-1">Published in Washington, D.=
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=
<font size=3D5 face=3D"helvetica,arial">Extremism in Defense of Virtue</f=
ont><hr size=3D"1" width=3D"100%" align=3D"center" noshade><font face=3D"=
helvetica,arial">By James P. Lucier <hr size=3D"1" width=3D"100%" align=3D=
"center" noshade><br></font><font face=3D"helvetica,arial"><b><B>Progress=
ive Democrats have a strategy of labeling GOP conservatives as extremists=
, but the ideology of the House Progressive Caucus may be the most extrem=
e in Congress.</B></b></font><BR><BR><img src=3D"../images/i.gif" alt=3D"=
I" border=3D"0" align=3D"left" height=3D"46">mmediately after the impeach=
ment of Bill Clinton last December the president called together a privat=
e gathering of supporters at the White House. Democratic Rep. Jerrold Nad=
ler of New York, a denizen of the House Judiciary Committee and a member =
of the House's Progressive Caucus, emerged to tell the New York Post that=
Clinton himself told the meeting that "the Constitution was being trashe=
d by Republican ex-tremists." <br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>=
And California Democratic Rep. Maxine Waters, another fiery-tongued Judic=
iary member who also is on the Progressive Caucus, said, "Bill and Hillar=
y are the real targets, and the Republicans are the vehicles being used b=
y the right-wing Christian Coalition extremists to direct and control our=
culture."<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>The word "extremist" =
comes easily to the lips of many House Democrats, particularly as a term =
of nonendearment describing their Republican colleagues. But it is more t=
han that; it is part of a calculated strategy to marginalize Republicans =
and the kind of mom-and-pop, family individualism that polls show is the =
core support of the GOP. <br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>As a c=
onfident president moved to the left in his State of the Union address, h=
e outlined a massive program of federal spending that would bring the fed=
eral government even closer to the doorstep of every American. Stephen Mo=
ore of the Washington-based Cato Institute has estimated that Clinton's p=
rograms would suck up the surplus created by tax overcharges to the tune =
of $100 billion during the next five years (see "A Second Coming of the E=
ra of Big Government," p. 28). And Nobel Prize-winning economist Milton F=
riedman wrote in the Wall Street Journal that Clinton's scheme for the go=
vernment to invest Social Security revenues in the equity stocks of priva=
te corporations was, to use a word that is out of fashion in the United S=
tates, "socialism," pure and simple.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </=
font>Friedman's criticism is not so far-fetched. The doctrine that the go=
vernment can do it better than the ordinary citizen was never so clearly =
outlined as by the president himself when he told an audience in Buffalo,=
N.Y., that "we could give [the tax surplus] all back to you and hope you=
spend it right. But ... if you don't spend it right, here's what's going=
to happen. In 2013 -- that's just 14 years away -- taxes people pay on t=
heir payroll for Social Security will no longer cover the monthly checks.=
" The president's rhetoric places the central tenet of socialism, that go=
vernment knows best, on the one side, and on the other are, well, the ext=
remists.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Although some Democrats=
, such as California Rep. Henry Waxman, were calling Republicans "extremi=
sts" as far back as 1991, the practice intensified when Democrats were ou=
traged that Republicans took control of Congress in 1994. House Minority =
Whip David Bonior of Michigan laid down the battle lines. "We will make o=
ur points on behalf of middle-class families," the bearded Bonior said on=
Feb. 21, 1995, as the new Congress got down to business. "We will point =
out that the Republicans are extreme." He began by becoming the self-appo=
inted tormentor of Speaker Newt Gingrich, leading Democrats to file more =
than 70 ethics charges against the speaker -- all but one of which were d=
ismissed by the Committee on Standards of Official Conduct (Ethics) as fr=
ivolous. <br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Massachusetts Rep. Bar=
ney Frank also jumped on board the "extremist" strategy. "There's a sense=
of common purpose," he said of the Democrats on Nov. 14, 1995. "The Repu=
blicans' extremism has done that for us." Michigan Rep. John Conyers stat=
ed in July 1996, "Democrats are clearly ready for the fight that Republic=
an extremists want to have." In October 1996, Cynthia McKinney of Georgia=
, in her hot election campaign against Republican challenger John Mitnick=
, told her voters: "Our best days are yet to come as long as we don't sur=
render our future to the clouded vision of Newt Gingrich and the extremis=
ts."<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Waxman became the tormentor=
of Republican Rep. Dan Burton of Indiana, chairman of the House Governme=
nt Reform and Oversight Committee, taking every possible step to delay, o=
bfuscate and ridicule Burton's investigation into the Clinton administrat=
ion's fund-raising practices and mismanagement. Frank and Conyers took on=
the same role against Illinois Rep. Henry Hyde during the Judiciary Comm=
ittee's impeachment hearings.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Al=
l this might be dismissed as ruthless partisan politics in which ideas an=
d programs are displaced by a Machiavellian, no-holds-barred grab for pow=
er, were it not for the fact that the members of Congress quoted here, in=
cluding Bonior, all are members of the Progressive Caucus in the House, a=
group dedicated to an ideological reconstruction of society. <br><font c=
olor=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Its statement of purpose says the caucus "=
is organized around the principles of social and economic justice, a nond=
iscriminatory society and national priorities which represent the interes=
ts of all the people, not just the wealthy and the powerful." It sets out=
a 12-point "Fairness Agenda" which includes a nondescript leftist menu o=
f cutting military spending, reinstating progressive taxation, requiring =
profitable companies to compensate workers and communities affected by jo=
b cuts, reinforcing affirmative action and the integration of class-based=
criteria into such programs. It opposes free-trade agreements, the impos=
ition of International Monetary Fund structural adjustment criteria on sh=
aky economies and international protection of workers and women's rights.=
It also opposes privatization of Social Security, seeks to expand Medica=
re to all ages and incomes and wants to prohibit private campaign contrib=
utions to candidates.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>While some=
observers might dismiss such a statement as the product of a fringe grou=
p whose view of "extremism" is colored by their own alienation from mains=
tream political philosophy, including mainstream Democrats, the Progressi=
ve Caucus numbered 58 in the last Congress, nearly a quarter of the Democ=
ratic membership in the House. A more sobering thought is the power of ca=
ucus members. If the Democrats had won six more seats in the House last N=
ovember, giving them a majority, the Progressive Caucus could have boaste=
d that its ranks supplied the putative majority leader (Bonior, now minor=
ity whip), and eight of the chairmen of the major committees -- that is t=
o say, nearly half. If the Democrats recapture control of the House in 20=
00, the Progressive lineup would be:<br><UL><LI>David Bonior of Michigan,=
Majority Leader;<LI> Charles Rangel of New York, Ways and Means Committe=
e;<LI> Henry Waxman of California, Government Reform Committee;<LI> John =
LaFalce of New York, Banking and Financial Services Committee;<LI> John C=
onyers of Michigan, Judiciary Committee;<LI> Lane Evans of Illinois, Vete=
rans' Affairs Committee;<LI> George Miller of California, Resources Commi=
ttee;<LI> George Brown of California, Science Committee;<LI> Nydia Velazq=
uez of New York, Small Business Committee;</UL><font color=3D"ffffff">. .=
. . </font>The recent discovery that the Website of the Progressive Cauc=
us is hosted by a group called the Democratic Socialists of America, or D=
SA, has created a rush to dissociate the caucus from the dreadful s-word,=
even though the Website is the only place that lists all the members, th=
eir addresses, their e-mail addresses and the statements issued by the gr=
oup. That Website address is www.dsausa.org/dsa/dsa/-pc/pc.caucus.html. <=
br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Only caucus founder, and until J=
anuary, chairman, Bernard Sanders is proud to call himself a Socialist. E=
lected as an independent from Vermont, Sanders was a Socialist mayor of B=
urlington. According to the Almanac of American Politics, he is only the =
third Socialist elected to the House, after Victor Berger of Milwaukee (1=
911-13, 1923-29) and Meyer London of Manhattan's Lower East Side (1915-23=
). But in the House, "Sanders has actually functioned as a liberal Democr=
at, with committee slots and seniority, plus plenteous contributions ... =
from PACs," says the Almanac. Only two other caucus members on the Websit=
e, Major Owens of New York and Ron Dellums of California, were listed as =
members of the DSA in the 104th Congress. Dellums actually was the vice p=
resident of the DSA before he retired from Congress in 1998.<br><font col=
or=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>It's easy to see why no one else wants to be=
tagged as a Socialist. The DSA describes itself as the largest socialist=
organization in the United States, and the principal affiliate of the So=
cialist International, or SI, a worldwide organization of 120 socialist, =
social democratic and labor parties and other groups dating back to 1864.=
Rooted in the Marxist analysis, the SI nevertheless disagreed with the t=
actics of the Leninists. Historically a powerful engine for the spread of=
socialist ideas, the organization has become more important with the ris=
e of socialist and labor parties in Europe in the last two years. It incl=
udes every range of the left from copycat Clintonistas such as Tony Blair=
's Labour Party to groups founded in radical revolution such as the Peruv=
ian Aprista Party and Colombia's M-19 Democratic Alliance, famed for its =
armed takeover of the Colombian Senate (although it now pursues a Senate =
takeover by electoral process). <br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font=
>In January, a new Caucus chairman, Rep. Peter A. DeFazio of Oregon, took=
over. DeFazio describes himself as a "progressive populist" with some li=
bertarian leanings. One of the five organizers of the Progressive Caucus,=
along with Illinois Rep. Lane Evans, Dellums, Waters and Sanders, he pla=
ns to tighten caucus operations and "get members more deeply involved on =
core issues such as trade." He tells Insight, "We are in numbers nominall=
y a large caucus, but we are not a monolith. If there is a unifying theme=
to the Progressive Caucus, it is as antidote to the corporate bent of th=
e DLCers [members of the Democratic Leadership Conference] and the Blue D=
ogs [a group of Democratic moderates]. Our principal orientation is towar=
d policies and issues that would benefit average working people and the l=
ess well-off in society. We played a major role in fighting fast-track tr=
ade authority because we believe we have a misbegotten trade policy."<br>=
<font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>He likens his own position to Weste=
rn-state populists from the turn of the century such as Bob La Follette. =
"The early Progressive movement grew out of disaffection with the policie=
s of both parties, particularly with the oppression of a much more agrari=
an society by the railroad trust, the banks, the dominant corporate inter=
ests," he says. "Obviously we are a much more diversified economy today, =
but more and more the Democrats have become indistinguishable from the Re=
publicans in terms of corporate welfare."<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . .=
. </font>DeFazio states flatly that the Progressive Caucus has nothing t=
o do with the DSA. "Nobody I know had any contact with them. I found out =
about it from some constituents in the southern part of my district, wher=
e it caused a great flurry of letter writing and activity. The Democratic=
Socialists of America put something about the Progressive Caucus on thei=
r Website. They can do whatever they want -- there is still free speech. =
We don't have a Website yet. My staff is working on that. What I will ask=
[DSA] to do is to provide just a link to us and not put in any of their =
own commentary or analysis." <br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>De=
spite DeFazio's intent to rejuvenate the Progressive Caucus, his rivals, =
"the DLCers," say they are not about to relinquish the term "progressive"=
to the far-out wing. The DLC was founded in 1985 by Democrats who wanted=
to draw up a new strategy suited to what they called "the New Democrat."=
Their views and/or rhetoric were adopted by Clinton as he moved to the c=
enter under his adviser Dick Morris' "triangulation" concept. In the Hous=
e, the New Democratic Coalition numbers 57, almost exactly the same size =
as the Progressive Caucus. Moreover, the DLC frequently has the ear of Mi=
nority Leader Dick Gephardt of Missouri -- potentially a House speaker in=
a Democratic majority and widely viewed as possible presidential materia=
l. In 1989, the DLC spun off a think tank, the Progressive Policy Institu=
te, or PPI, under the presidency of Will Marshall. <br><font color=3D"fff=
fff">. . . . </font>"There's a difference between the old progressives an=
d the new progressives," Marshall tells Insight. "The old progressives ar=
e the lineal descendants of [the elder Sen. Robert] La Follette of Wiscon=
sin. They have a tremendous faith in the central government and see econo=
mic justice through redistribution. We don't think that the old progressi=
vism is attuned to the new realities. They faced the rise of the national=
industrial economy. We face the transition into the information global e=
conomy. We want to expand the winners' circle to help people get ahead."<=
br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Marshall believes that new progr=
essive ideas are at the center of the Clinton administration. "In some re=
spects, almost all Democrats have bought into the changes the New Democra=
ts brought. The New Democrats have realigned the party. The new fault lin=
es are trade, global integration and modernization of the entitlement pro=
grams. A Third Way has emerged across the whole spectrum of issues. That'=
s the New Progressivism."<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>And in=
deed, Marshall can point to the fact that the president, first lady Hilla=
ry Rodham Clinton and White House adviser Sidney Blumenthal spoke at a "T=
hird Way" conference last October in New York, sponsored by the White Hou=
se, PPI and New York University. They were joined by another proponent of=
the Third Way, Blair.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Neverthel=
ess proponents of progressivism and the Third Way carefully avoid mention=
ing the word "socialist" in polite company. Balint Vazsonyi, a concert pi=
anist and philosopher who grew up under socialism in Communist Hungary, i=
s director of the Center for the American Founding in McLean, Va. Vazsony=
i says that American socialists have taken pains for 30 years to sweep th=
e name "socialist" under the carpet because "they know that Americans hav=
e an almost visceral dislike of anything connected with socialism." He sa=
ys that if Republicans would be brave enough to apply the word "socialist=
" to big-government programs -- in the mode of Friedman's recent comments=
-- support for the programs would dissolve like "Dorothy pouring water o=
n the Wicked Witch of the West."<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font=
>"The way I see it," says Vazsonyi, "is that the national debate in the U=
nited States is no longer between the traditional opposing sides of Repub=
licans and Democrats, or even conservatives and liberals -- and almost ce=
rtainly not between right and wrong. No, on one side of the debate you ha=
ve the belief in the American way predicated on the rule of law, individu=
al rights, guarantee of property and a common American identity. And on t=
he other side are those who prefer a European socialist model predicated =
on the pursuit of social justice, group rights, redistribution of entitle=
ments and multiculturalism. It is important to realize that there is no t=
hird way. Every political position on a given issue derives from either o=
ne or the other. And we are fast approaching the time when an irrevocable=
choice will have to be made."	<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </=
font> <br><font size=3D4 face=3D"helvetica,arial"><B>The Progressive=
Caucus In the Current 106th Congress<BR>
<BR>
</B></font><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Representative	Dist=
rict 	State<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font> <br><font=
color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Neil Abercrombie 	1	Hawaii<br>=
<font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Xavier Becerra	30	Calif.<=
br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>David Bonior	10	Mich.<=
br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Corrine Brown	3	Fla.<b=
r><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>George E. Brown	42	Cali=
f.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Sherrod Brown	13	Oh=
io<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Julia Carson	10	Ind=
=2E<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>John Conyers	14	Mi=
ch.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>William Coyne	14	P=
a.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Danny Davis	7	Ill.<=
br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Peter A. DeFazio	4	Ore=
=2E<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Diana DeGette	1	Co=
lo.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Julian C. Dixon	32	=
;Calif.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Lane Evans	17	=
Ill.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Eni Faleomavaega	At L=
arge 	Am. Samoa<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Chaka Fatt=
ah	2	Pa.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Bob Filner�=
09;50	Calif.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Barney Frank&#=
009;4	Mass.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Luis Gutierrez&=
#009;4	Ill.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Alcee L. Hastin=
gs	23	Fla.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Earl Hillia=
rd	7	Ala.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Maurice Hinc=
hey	26	N.Y.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Jesse Jack=
son Jr.	2	Ill.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Marcy K=
aptur	9	Ohio<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Dennis Ku=
cinich	10	Ohio<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>John L=
a Falce	29	N.Y.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>John L=
ewis	5	Ga.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Jim McDermo=
tt	7	Wash.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Jim McGover=
n	3	Mass.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Cynthia A. M=
cKinney	4	Ga.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Carrie P=
=2E Meek	17	Fla.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Georg=
e Miller	7	Calif.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Pats=
y Mink	2	Hawaii<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Jerrol=
d Nadler	8	N.Y. <br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Ele=
anor H. Norton*	At Large	D.C.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . .=
</font>John Olver	1	Mass.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </=
font>Major Owens	11	N.Y.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </fo=
nt>Ed Pastor	2	Ariz.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>D=
onald Payne	10	N.J.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Na=
ncy Pelosi	8	Calif.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Ch=
arles Rangel	15	N.Y.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>L=
ynn N. Rivers	13	Mich.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font=
>C. Romero-Barcelo	At Large	P.R.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . =
=2E . </font>Bernard Sanders	At Large	Vt.<br><font color=3D"fff=
fff">. . . . </font>Robert C. Scott	3	Va.<br><font color=3D"fff=
fff">. . . . </font>Fortney "Pete" Stark	13	Calif.<br><font col=
or=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Bennie G. Thompson	2	Miss.<br><fon=
t color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>John Tierney	6	Mass<br><font =
color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Nydia M. Velazquez	12	N.Y.<br><=
font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Maxine Waters	35	Calif.<br=
><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Melvin L. Watt	12	N.C.<b=
r><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Henry A. Waxman	29	Cali=
f.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font>Lynn C. Woolsey	6	C=
alif.<br><font color=3D"ffffff">. . . . </font> <br><font color=3D"f=
fffff">. . . . </font>*Washington, D.C., is represented by a nonvoting de=
legate.<br><BR></td></tr>
</table>
</td></tr></table>
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